![]() ![]() We find that it is as important to listen to our participants’ silences, as well as their stories about money. The Indigenous research paradigm, and associated Indigenous research methodologies allow us to ‘see’ money through the eyes of our Indigenous participants. Using a research paradigm which privileges Indigenous understandings, we examine the cultural shaping of money in remote Indigenous communities i.e. ![]() Banking policy and product design in Australia are heavily influenced by middle-income, ‘Anglo-Celtic’ (non-Indigenous) understandings of money. Literature on money and financial management in Indigenous Australia is patchy, with few studies focusing on how Indigenous people themselves understand, want to use and manage money. ![]() Collaborative, cross-sectoral efforts by the government, industry and community to improve Indigenous financial inclusion have not yielded much success. lacks access to financial products and services from mainstream providers, relying instead on the informal or alternative finance sector for their financial needs. Though most have access to a bank account, a disproportionately high percentage is ‘under-banked’ i.e. lack access to safe, affordable and appropriate financial services (Connolly et al 2013). Indigenous people are amongst the most financially excluded community in Australia i.e. The author discusses children’s narratives on the support they receive and seek, the choices they were able to make and their position as children with adult responsibilities. ![]() By focussing on the latter, it becomes clear that children are able to bend the generational rules. Agency is perceived as both the observable actions of children and the meaning, motivations and purposes which children bring into their actions. The ideas about and characteristics of childhood and adulthood result in generational rules that severely limit children’s room to manoeuvre in coping. The concept 'generational constructions' is used to point to these social cultural meanings of childhood. Understandings of childhood and adulthood vary widely between and within cultures. This is because childhood and adulthood is not defined by biological age and not reached when a child turns eighteen. It is argued that, though such youngsters need to run their own household, have to execute adult tasks and responsibilities and sometimes are legally adults (eighteen years or older) they do not have adult status. This chapter deals with the agency of children and young people in child-headed households in South Africa. By placing the problem of interiority directly into the field and turning it into an ethnographic, practice-based question to be addressed through fieldwork in collaboration with informants, this article works alongside women living with HIV/AIDS in Uganda with the aim of capturing the unvoiced but sometimes radical changes in being, belief, and perception that accompany terminal illness. Moreover, as conventional social–scientific methods are often too static to understand the fluidity of perception among people living with illness or bodily instability, I argue we need to develop new, practical approaches to knowing. Nevertheless, anthropology lacks a generally accepted theory or methodological framework for understanding how interiority relates to people’s public actions and expressions. The capacity for a complex inner life-encompassing inner speech, imaginative reverie, and unarticulated moods-is an essential feature of living with illness and a principal means through which people interpret, understand, and manage their condition. ![]()
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